History of Venice

Tag: Diplomacy

  • Decline and fall (1600–1800)

    Decline and fall (1600–1800)

    Chapter 6 — Decline and fall

    The 1600s and 1700s were a period of slow decline for Venice, until the Republic of Venice fell to Napoleon in 1797.

    The War of letters

    The conflicts between Venice on the one side, and the major European powers and the Pope on the other, never ceased.

    In the first years of the 1600s, Venice made various laws limiting the passage of property to ecclesiastical organisations, whose wealth had reached troubling levels. Then, in 1605, two high prelates were arrested and tried, sentenced and imprisoned for rape and murder.

    The Pope demanded that Venice handed the two over to the church tribunals, and that they rescinded the laws limiting the donation of property to the church.

    Venice said no to both claims.

    The Pope consequently excommunicated the entire Venetian nobility, and tried to organise a kind of crusade of other Catholic nations against Venice.

    Paolo Sarpi, a highly respected theologian who had authored the Venetian missives to the Pope, got a personal excommunication, and later the Catholic Church sent a group of hoodlums to Venice to assassinate him. Sarpi only just survived the vicious attack.

    This Pope definitely didn’t turn the other cheek.

    The whole affair lasted several years, and was finally resolved by Venice handing over the two criminals, and the Pope lifting the excommunication. Venice didn’t change its laws.

    Fear and anxiety in Venice

    By the early 1600s, Venice was in a rather precarious position, geographically.

    The Habsburgs of Austria governed land to the east, north and west of Venice, parts of the Dalmatian coast, Austria itself and Milan, respectively.

    The Habsburgs were also on the Spanish throne, and Spain controlled the Kingdom of Naples.

    Who ruled southern Italy was important for Venice because they shared a border. Venetian possessions on the eastern Adriatic coastline, and the island of Corfu, were just across from Southern Italy, where the Adriatic is the narrowest.

    Venice was almost surrounded by the combined territories of Spain and Austria.

    The ancient problem of piracy reared its head again with the Uscoc population on the Croatian coast, which was formally under Austria. This led to the War of Gradisca against Austria from 1615 to 1617, and the War of Valtellina from 1620 to 1626.

    During the first conflict, the Spanish ambassador in Venice ran a spy network, which apparently included several members of the Venetian aristocracy.

    Given the nature of the Republic of Venice, where all adult noblemen participated in the meetings of the Greater Council, any secret meeting between a Venetian nobleman and foreign diplomats was automatically suspect.

    The atmosphere of paranoia and suspicion led to several trials for treason against members of the nobility. The most conspicuous case was against Antonio Foscarini. He was sentenced to death, strangled in his cell, and the body hung by the feet from a gallows between the two columns in St Mark’s square. It was later revealed that he was innocent, so his accusers were executed too.

    Corner and Zen

    Venice was an aristocratic republic without a formal constitution. There were laws, traditions and customs, but nothing was set in stone. Everything was in principle negotiable.

    Since at least the 1100s, the doges had been required to swear a formal written oath, known as the promissione ducale — the promise of the doge. This was the main means of curbing the power of the doges, but that too was soon revealed to be negotiable.

    When doge Francesco Contarini died in 1625, the normal procedure was followed for the creation of a new doge. This was an elaborate process, which led to the selection of an electoral college of forty-one nobles, who would choose the next doge.

    Here the process stalled, as none of the two primary candidates could get the needed twenty-five votes.

    After some time, the college elected a third candidate, Giovanni Corner.

    He was the head of one of the most ancient — and wealthiest — Venetian noble families. Furthermore, he had several adult sons in active politics, and another in the church. One of his sons was in the electoral college, which wasn’t exactly proper, and another two were in the Pregadi — the Venetian senate.

    The promissione stipulated that close relatives of the doge couldn’t hold high political offices or positions in the church. The sons of the doge would have to step down, and not occupy any elected positions for the rest of their father’s life.

    Giovanni Corner immediately asked the Signoria — the closest the Republic of Venice had to an executive — that they grant a dispensation, so his sons could finish their terms in office. The Signoria conceded.

    Six months later, when the senate was up for its annual renewal, he asked that they could stand for election again, which was also granted.

    Then another of his sons was made cardinal in the Catholic Church, which required the permission of the republic. This too was granted.

    The power and influence of the Corner family was increasing rapidly. The doge wasn’t a powerful figure any more, but his sons, backed by the prestige of their father and the wealth of the family, exploited the situation with impunity.

    Obviously, many others in the nobility resented it.

    The opposition coalesced around the figure of Ranier Zen. He was elected to the Council of Ten in 1627, which was the only body with the authority to stand up to the doge. When he was chosen as one of the three Heads of the Council of Ten, he confronted the doge directly.

    The Corner family managed to depose Zen, who later barely survived an assassination attempt — orchestrated by one of the Corner bothers — by jumping into a canal and escaping in a boat. He was later condemned to exile, but refused to leave the city.

    Venice was as close to a civil war as it had been since the mid-1300s.

    Such an armed conflict was averted by the death of Giovanni Corner in 1629, at the age of 78.

    The complex election process set it, and the next doge came from the faction of Ranier Zen. This restored some balance between the different factions within the aristocracy.

    The conflict consequently fizzled out, but the underlying constitutional problems weren’t resolved.

    War in Mantua and the plague

    Elsewhere in Northern Italy, more conflict was brewing.

    The House of Gonzaga had ruled the Duchy of Mantua since the 1200s, but in 1627 the last duke of that line died.

    Two different branches of the dynasty claimed the ducal throne. One branch was supported by France and Venice, while the other by the Habsburgs of Spain and Austria, the Holy Roman Empire and the Savoys of Piedmont.

    The Gonzaga-Nevers, supported by France and Venice, soon took control of the city of Mantua, and the allies of the other branch invaded the duchy.

    Yet again, all the main European powers were fighting over and on parts of the Italian peninsula.

    The war lasted several years, and it would have disastrous consequences for Venice and the mainland.

    Soldiers from Germany brought the plague with them. Imperial troops defeated Venetian forces at Villabona in 1630, and many of the fleeing Venetian soldiers sought refuge in nearby Verona.

    During the summer of 1630, over half the population of Verona perished.

    Later that year, an ambassador from Mantua arrived in Venice. He, too, was ill.

    The Venetian authorities didn’t consider it proper to quarantine a high-ranking nobleman from a friendly neighbour with common sailors and merchants on the usual Lazzaretto island. They therefore had a special quarantine facility built for him and his entourage on another island.

    One of the workers brought the contagion into the city, where it spread faster than the sick could be rounded up.

    Over forty thousand people died in Venice in the 1630–31 epidemic. That was over a fourth of the population, which still hadn’t recovered from the 1575 outbreak.

    In Mantua, the branch of the Gonzaga dynasty, which Venice had supported, prevailed. Several contenders from the other side died of the plague.

    The epidemic of 1630–31 would be the last major outbreak of the plague in Venice. The preventive measures around the Venetian Lazzaretti became much more stringent, and there would be no further exceptions to the rules.

    The Turks

    The relationships with the Ottoman Empire remained as difficult and ambiguous as ever.

    Whenever Venice had been at war with the major European powers, the Ottoman Empire had either stayed out of the fight, or actually backed Venice with anything but arms.

    Still, Venice and the Ottomans were contenders for the same territories in the Levant.

    They fought a long war over control of Crete, which Venice had held since after the Fourth Crusade in the 1200s. The war lasted almost twenty-five years, from 1645 to 1669. The Turkish siege of the main city of Candia (modern day Heraklion) lasted over twenty years.

    Francesco Morosini, who had surrendered Candia to the Turks after the end of the siege, got some revenge with the War of Morea, which is the Venetian name for the Peloponnese.

    That war lasted over fifteen years, from 1684 to 1699. The Venetian forces, commanded by Morosini, gradually conquered most of the Peloponnese from the Ottomans.

    In 1687, Venetian forces put Athens to siege.

    During this siege, the Turks kept their gunpowder on the Acropolis, inside the ancient Temple of Athena, believing it to be out of range of the Venetian artillery.

    It wasn’t.

    The two-thousand-years old temple was blown to pieces when the Venetian guns scored a direct hit. Archaeologists in Greece are still picking up the pieces of that explosion.

    The Venetians took Athens and the Acropolis, but didn’t have the resources to keep them. It was evacuated later, and soon after re-occupied by the Turks.

    The destruction of one of the most important ancient Greek temples had been all for nothing.

    Two large ancient Greek or Roman statues, one of a sitting lion and one lying down, stood in the harbour of Piraeus since antiquity. Francesco Morosini had them taken to Venice, where they’re now guarding the entrance to the Venetian navy docks in the Arsenale.

    There are still visible pockmarks on them, from when the Venetian navy entered the harbour of Athens in 1687, guns blasting. There are also runic inscriptions on the sitting lion, dating back to Byzantine times. That single piece of marble is Roman, Greek, Byzantine, Scandinavian and Venetian, all at the same time.

    On his return to Venice, Morosini was, unsurprisingly, elected doge.

    The last major war with the Ottoman Empire was in 1714–18, when Venice lost most of what had been taken a few decades earlier.

    The only major Greek island to remain under Venetian control was Corfu. Strategically, this was important, as Corfu controls the passage in and out of the Adriatic Sea.

    Money and nobility

    Wars cost money, and decades-long overseas wars cost a lot of money.

    Venice as a society was rich, but Venice as a state wasn’t.

    The main source of income to cover the expenses of the state had always been taxes on trade — import and export duties. The ruling elite thereby unloaded a proportionally larger part of the tax burden on the middle classes.

    This had over the centuries handily covered most ordinary expenses.

    For the extraordinary expenses of wars, especially in those cases where Venice had fought for its very survival, such as the War of Chioggia in the late 1300s and the League of Cambrai in the early 1500s, extraordinary funds were raised by extraordinary means.

    Property taxes and forced loans, which predominantly hit the wealthier parts of society, were ways of raising emergency funds. They hit the ruling elite harder, but they would have lost everything anyway if Venice had lost those wars.

    Such taxes and forced loans in times of war were one of the causes of the rather odd concept of the poor nobility — aristocratic families which were poor, and even destitute. Such families weren’t expelled from the nobility, but were helped economically in various ways by special laws and traditions, and by selling their votes in the Greater Council.

    After the Locking of the Council in 1297, in times of emergencies, the doors of the council could be temporarily unlocked, so wealthy citizen families could pay their way to nobility and political power. As it had happened during the War of Chioggia, the League of Cambrai, so it happened during the War of Candia.

    As trade on the Levant diminished, so did the regular income of the Venetian state. To cover the outgoings, selling entrance into the nobility for cash became more commonplace. Many wealthy citizen families entered the nobility this way during the 1600s and 1700s.

    The price of nobility was substantial. It was in the order of a hundred thousand Venetian ducats paid up front — enough to buy several quite presentable properties on the Grand Canal.

    The patrician class was subdivided by the age of the lineage. There were old families, new families, very new families and finally, families made by money.

    A middling state

    The conquest of the Peloponnese was the last of the Venetian dream of empire. The Venetian overseas dominions were reduced to Corfu and parts of the eastern coast of the Adriatic.

    Venice in the 1700s was a much smaller place, and a much more European place, even if for many travellers from Western Europe it still appeared odd and “eastern”.

    Much of the long-distance trade on the Eastern Mediterranean had disappeared, while regional trade between the nations around the Mediterranean continued. The global trade had moved into the Atlantic, Pacific and Indian Oceans.

    The mainland territories therefore became more important.

    The wealthy elite, both nobles and citizens, invested their money in agricultural estates on the mainland, rather than in trade.

    Venice, which had never really had a landed gentry — there was almost no land — now had an elite whose main income came from large mainland estates. It is almost the opposite process of what happened everywhere else in Europe.

    The city of Venice had expanded slowly until the late 1500s, but that expansion stopped when all the shallow mudflats around the city had been reclaimed and built up.

    The main architectural trends of the 1600s and the 1700s — Baroque, Rococo and Neo-Classicism — are therefore mostly absent in Venice itself.

    On the mainland, however, these styles abound in the many great villas the new landowners built on their estates. The Venetian countryside is full of villas by Palladio and other renowned architects from the period.

    Outside the elite, manufacturing was still the most important part of the economy. Glass, textiles, lace, printing, etc., all remained important.

    For young men from wealthy families in Northern Europe, the “Grand Tour” became an important part of their education. It was usually a journey of several years, taking the young men around to all the most important European cities, and Italian cities were high on the list. Venice, Florence and Rome were almost obligatory stops.

    The Venetian carnival became a major attraction, and so did the Venetian courtesans and gambling establishments.

    Artists like Canaletto and Rosalba Carriera — and many others — sold artworks to these tourists.

    Venetian arts and crafts flourished like never before, and had buyers come from all of Europe.

    Even if Venice was on the decline in the 1700s, it appeared as rich and opulent as ever.

    The end of the Republic of Venice

    The French Revolution put a huge question mark on some of the basic tenets of most European societies, like the divine rights of kings and the legitimacy of aristocratic rule.

    The Republic of Venice was very much aristocratic rule, based on the hereditary rights of the nobility, and the French Revolution therefore resonated with a large part of the Venetian population.

    The revolution didn’t have any immediate effects in Venice, not in 1789 when it started, nor in 1793 when the French king was executed.

    The War of the First Coalition from 1792 to 1797 involved almost every major European monarchy against revolutionary France. Venice remained neutral.

    The war, however, came to Venice anyway.

    In 1796, a 26-year-old field marshal Napoleon led a French army into Northern Italy, where Milan was an Austrian dominion.

    After a battle, the routed Austrian army fled into Venetian territory. Napoleon pursued them.

    Soon his army was under the walls of the Venetian city of Crema, where he demanded they accept a French garrison, as a precaution. This repeated in Bergamo, Brescia, Verona, Vicenza, Padua and so on.

    The Venetians kept sending dispatches and negotiators to Napoleon, reiterating their neutrality and requesting the French left, but Napoleon didn’t care.

    Within less than a year, Napoleon was in control of the entire Stato di Terra.

    When the Venetians finally realised that Napoleon would never respect their neutrality, they tried to mobilise forces from the Stato di Mar for a last stand in defence of the Dogado. It was too little and too late, and when Napoleon sent an ultimatum, Venice surrendered.

    The Greater Council met, debated and voted to dissolve itself. The doge consequently abdicated.

    Membership of the council was hereditary, so no new legitimate council could be formed. Without the council, no new doge could be elected.

    The Republic of Venice was no more.

    While it is almost impossible to determine when the Republic came into existence as a sovereign entity, we have a date and almost an hour for the end of it: May 12th, 1797.

    The first French domination

    Napoleon promised the common Venetians a more democratic regime, and a Provisional Municipal Government was established quickly after the surrender.

    He didn’t, however, intend to keep that promise.

    Negotiations with the Austrians were already underway. The result was the Treaty of Campo Formio, in which France gained the Austrian Netherlands and Milan, and Austria the naval bases of Venice and Trieste.

    Before Christmas 1797, the workers of the navy docks in the Arsenale were sent home with their pay for the rest of the year. French troops then moved in and destroyed everything. Tools, models and ships were cut to pieces or burnt.

    On January 18th, 1798, Austrian troops entered Venice.

    Losing statehood

    Venice, which had been an independent state for over a thousand years, was now reduced to being a pawn in the game of the great powers.

    Laws, customs and traditions, established over centuries, disappeared overnight. Everything the Venetians had taken for granted, forever, was no longer.

    The privileges of the nobility and the original citizens evaporated. Everybody had to follow the laws of another country, and be subject to rulers who spoke another language.

    Elements of Venetian culture came under attack almost immediately.

    Ancient celebrations and feasts had been a way of maintaining a bond between rulers and the ruled, and in any case, a source of entertainment and free food. Under the Austrians, feasts celebrating the great events of the past — like the conquest of Constantinople — were no longer held.

    The was no Venetian carnival in 1798, or in many of the following years, for that matter. There was no way the newly arrived Austrian rulers would let the Venetians roam around the city at night wearing masks. The carnival was only really resuscitated in the 1970s, in a very different form.

    For most Venetians, rich or poor, noble, citizen or commoner, the future looked bleak.

  • Ascendency (1000–1200)

    Ascendency (1000–1200)

    Venice became a more important state in the 1000s and 1100s, and started to build not only their trading empire, but also more equal relations to the Byzantine Empire, the Holy Roman Empire and the Pope in Rome.

    Building on trade

    The Venetian elite were predominantly merchants, so securing international trading relations became a central function of the Venetian state.

    The conquest of Dalmatia was fragile, and the Venetians fought many wars to ensure their control of the main harbours. There were several rebellions in Dalmatian cities, where the locals clearly didn’t approve of their new Venetian overlords.

    However, Venice needed those cities and harbours.

    Medieval ships weren’t huge, and more commercial cargo meant less space in the hold for provisions. Venice therefore needed safe harbours along the Adriatic for their ships to resupply, and to seek shelter in bad conditions.

    They also needed to ensure that those harbours didn’t revert to being nests of pirates, as they had been in the past.

    While it wasn’t easy — nor without setbacks — Venice more or less kept the Dalmatian coast under its control.

    In 1082, the Byzantine emperor formally recognised the coast of Dalmatia as Venetian sphere of influence, and gave the doge the official title of Duke of Dalmatia.

    The early Venetian possessions in Dalmatia.
    The early Venetian possessions in Dalmatia.

    In the 1100s, the situation had partly changed, and some cities in the upper Adriatic actively sought Venetian stewardship. Venice had become the safer bet in an uncertain world, and a bringer of wealth through their ever wider trade networks.

    Byzantium and the Normans

    Further down the Adriatic, in Southern Italy, the Normans had replaced the Saracens as the shared nuisance of both Venice and Constantinople.

    The Normans had taken Apulia — the heel of the Italian boot — and thus became a threat to Byzantine territories in Greece and Albania, and to Venetian trade in and out of the Adriatic Sea.

    The relationship between Constantinople and Venice at this time looked more like an alliance of near peers, than between an empire and a marginal province.

    A weakened Byzantine Empire needed the Venetian navy in the Adriatic and around Southern Italy. Constantinople still had interests and claims there, but they were under increasing pressure and the empire had fewer resources to defend them.

    Venice, on the other side, needed the Byzantine Empire because that was where they did the most of their trade — the trade which was the basis for the power, wealth and status that Venice was building up.

    Mutual interests — as much as shared history and culture — had Constantinople and Venice fighting shared enemies.

    It was, however, a declining Byzantium and a Venice on the ascendancy.

    The Crusades

    The first crusade in 1099 had two purposes. One was to take back the Holy Land and Jerusalem from the Caliphate. The other was to give the Byzantine Empire a helping hand against the Seljuk Turks in Asia Minor.

    The mostly German and French crusader armies marched to Constantinople over land, and then across Anatolia to the Levant. The Venetians therefore didn’t have much of a role, and didn’t participate in any significant way.

    The crusade was a spectacular success on the first account — on taking back the Holy Land. A series of Latin crusader kingdoms soon dominated much of the Levant, from Antioch to Jerusalem.

    In terms of helping Byzantium against the Turks, the crusade was a failure, to say the least. If anything, it soured the relationship between the Byzantines and the crusaders, and, as crusaders travelled back to Western Europe, also with the western powers.

    For the Venetians and their trade, the upheaval of the power balance in the Levant caused plenty of problems.

    Many important harbours in the Levant were now under Latin rulers. The Venetians had frequented these harbours for centuries, and they had developed long-term relationships with the former rulers. Now they had to start all over.

    Furthermore, the new Latin rulers in the crusader kingdoms had more cultural affinity with some of the main competitors of Venice, such as Genoa and Catalonia. These quickly moved in to get a larger slice of the trade.

    As the antagonism between the crusader states and the Byzantine Empire grew, Venice also got caught up in that conflict.

    Nevertheless, Venice tried to navigate these turbulent waters, and with some success. In 1104, Venetian troops participated in the conquest of Acre, which became the main harbour of the Kingdom of Jerusalem. In 1110, Venice got part of the city, which they managed to keep into the 1180s.

    Early institutional reforms

    The Venetian state wasn’t planned, neither was Venetian statehood. It just kind of happened.

    Consequently, the early Venetian state was rather rudimentary. It was mostly the Doge and a few officials appointed to handle basic, practical tasks. The popular assembly — the Concio — only met whenever it was needed.

    The main problem was that the Doge, who was chosen for life, had too much power.

    In 1032, after the violent deposition of yet another doge, the election of the next doge got some strings attached. He could no longer appoint a co-ruler, and thereby influence the succession. There would be no more dynasties competing for the position of doge.

    The new doge also had to accept two councillors, who would partake in the decision process. These councillors were elected annually by the Concio.

    This was a significant change. It introduced checks on the power of the doge, who now had to confer and agree with the two councillors before taking any major decisions.

    The Concio, which until then had only met whenever there was an occasion, now had to meet annually to choose two new councillors for the doge. The hitherto rather informal assembly became an institution with regular meetings and procedures.

    These changes moved the Venetian state away from being that almost elective monarchy, which it had been from the earliest times.

    A proper capital

    Venice was, by the early 1100s, an important European state.

    It had also become one of the wealthiest cities in Europe — but it didn’t look like it yet.

    Already in 1050, the reconstruction of the Basilica of St Mark started, of a much larger and more monumental church. In 1053, Pope Leo IX visited Venice to venerate St Mark.

    Somehow, during the building of the new basilica, the Venetians managed to lose track of their greatest treasure, the bones of St Mark. By an incredible coincidence, they were miraculously relocated in 1094 for the inauguration of the basilica.

    Emperor Henry IV of the Holy Roman Empire came to Venice for the celebrations, and old treaties on mutual trade were reconfirmed.

    As discussed in the previous chapter, the relics of St Mark were important to Venice for much more than simple reasons of religion. The presence of the bones of the thirteenth apostle and author of one of the gospels, conferred a status on Venice, beyond what economic weight and military might could achieve alone.

    Venice needed shipyards for its navy, and had until the early 1100s relied on private shipyards to build what was needed. That proved insufficient, though. The state navy docks — the Arsenale — were established in 1104. They would become a fixture of life in the city, and the arsenalotti — workers from the Arsenale — later served as guard of honour and bodyguards for the doge and other state officials. The Arsenale is still there today, nine centuries later, now used by the Italian navy.

    Later, in the mid-1100s, the process of embellishment of the entire area of St Mark’s accelerated.

    Most of what is now the Piazza San Marco, belonged to the nuns of the nearby monastery of San Zaccaria. A canal — the Rio Batario — crossed the area, roughly in the middle of the current square. Beyond the canal, the nuns had an orchard with fruit trees — a brolo in Venetian.

    In the 1150s, the campanile — the bell tower — was built. It would get an important role in the daily life in Venice. The bells would regulate the working hours in the navy docks, the opening and closing hours of shops, the work of prostitutes and a special bell would summon the aristocracy to the palace when needed. It is, even today, affectionately called el paròn — the master who controlled time and labour.

    Sometimes around 1170, the nuns of San Zaccaria donated parts of their orchard to the state.

    The canal was filled in — the first known example of the removal of a city canal — and the square almost doubled in size. The square wasn’t paved then — that wouldn’t happen for another century.

    The Doge’s Palace was enlarged and the two columns on the waterfront raised, with the symbols of the two patron saints of the city and the state: St Mark and St Theodore.

    The first Rialto Bridge — a wooden drawbridge crossing the Grand Canal at the narrowest point — was also from this period.

    This monumentalization of the area of St Mark was the Venetian state dressing up, to make its looks match its increased wealth, power and international status.

    A great capital of a great nation is more than just buildings and structures. It is also great events and ceremonial.

    One such event was born in 1162.

    The invasion of the Lombards, centuries earlier, had caused the patriarch of Aquileia to flee into the lagoon at Grado, within the dogado. The Lombards chose their own patriarch, and thus there were two competing patriarchs, with about twenty kilometres between them.

    The head of the Catholic Church in the dogado was the Patriarch of Grado, while the Patriarchy of Aquileia developed into a semi-autonomous small state.

    The two never recognised each other, and in 1162 the Patriarch of Aquileia personally led his troops in an attack on the Patriarch of Grado in the lagoon.

    Venice intervened on behalf of their patriarch, and soundly defeated the forces of Aquileia, and captured the patriarch himself.

    He was taken to Venice, paraded through the city, and had to pay for his freedom with a promise of a tribute of a bull and twelve pigs, each year henceforth, for the carnival.

    This tribute was paid each year until the end of the Republic in 1797, and the commoners of Venice feasted on the slaughtered animals during the carnival. Nobody’s going to say no to a party and free food, so this tradition soon became very popular.

    Venice as peacemaker

    The new splendour of the palace, the church and the square all served Venice well, shortly after, in 1177.

    From the times of Charlemagne, most of Northern Italy had formed a Kingdom of Italy, which in the 1100s was formally part of the Holy Roman Empire.

    Many of the cities had, however, developed into semi-autonomous city states, of which Milan in Lombardy was the most important.

    When in the early 1160s, emperor Frederick Barbarossa tried to encroach on this de facto self-rule, the cities formed first the Lega Veronese, later extended into the Lega Lombarda, to fight for their autonomy.

    The Lega was not an independence movement — most cities were fine with being part of the empire, which had its advantages — but they wanted to handle local matters themselves.

    The Pope sided with the Lega, so this fight too became a part of the almost perpetual struggles between the Pope and the emperor.

    During the conflict, the Pope excommunicated the emperor, who in return appointed an anti-pope. Both sides tried to strike at the legitimacy of the other.

    The Lega won a decisive battle against an imperial army led by Barbarossa himself, at Pontida in 1176, and Barbarossa sued for terms afterwards.

    The details of those terms were negotiated in Venice in 1177.

    The Pope arrived in Venice in March that year, on war galleys from the navy of the Kingdom of Sicily. Barbarossa remained in Chioggia at the southern end of the lagoon, until an agreement had been reached.

    In July, Barbarossa arrived at San Nicolò on the Lido, and was accompanied to St Mark’s by the doge and the patriarch on a richly decorated Venetian war galley.

    The Pope and the emperor met in the Basilica of St Mark, where the final reconciliation took place.

    This was a huge win for Venetian diplomacy,

    The first war with Byzantium

    The relationship with Constantinople grew more complicated throughout the 1100s.

    Venice had for generations had special trading privileges in the Byzantine Empire, which, however, usually had to be confirmed by each new emperor.

    Emperor Alexios Komnenos issued an edict in 1082 giving the Venetians freedom from all taxes and tariffs, and access throughout the empire. These extended privileges were a reward for the help the Venetians had given the emperor fighting the Normans in Southern Italy.

    The Venetians used the trading agreements so efficiently, that they soon completely dominated trade in Constantinople, often to the detriment of indigenous Byzantine merchants, who couldn’t compete with the Venetians’ tariff-free trade.

    A sizeable Venetian population lived permanently in the imperial capital, and their wealth, the subsequent political influence — and supposedly also their arrogance — led to tension with the people of Constantinople, and at times to open conflict.

    When Alexios died in 1118, his son, John Komnenos II, became emperor.

    The Venetians promptly sent an emissary to Constantinople to request a renewal of the edict of 1082, but John refused.

    In response, Venice equipped a navy, commanded by doge Vitale Michiel, which attacked the island of Corfu unsuccessfully, and then raided the sea around Greece for several years.

    The Byzantines proved unable to stop the Venetians, and in 1126 John confirmed the privileges again, this time, however, with the addition that the Venetians in Constantinople had to behave better.

    For the first time ever, Venice had extracted privileges from Constantinople by use of force. The power balance between the two was not as clear-cut any more.

    A failed war with Byzantium

    Manuel Komnenos inherited this uneasy co-existence when he became emperor after his father in 1146.

    During the war of the Lega Lombarda, Manuel tried to win favour with other Italian nations, to have future allies against the Normans in Southern Italy.

    To gain their favour, he conceded trading privileges in the empire to Pisa and Genoa.

    Venice saw these concessions as an affront to their privileges, and complained.

    Manuel Komnenos responded by trying to stir up trouble for Venice in Dalmatia, which, however, a Venetian navy suppressed.

    At the start of 1171, the tension seemed to have subsided somewhat.

    However, a fire in the Genovese quarter in Constantinople was blamed on the Venetian residents, and Manuel used it as a pretext to order the arrest of all Venetians in the empire, and the confiscation of their property.

    When the news arrived in Venice, the Venetians were furious.

    During the summer, Venice built a navy of a hundred and twenty ships, which commanded by doge Vitale Michiel II set out for Constantinople in the autumn.

    When the navy arrived close to Athens, the Byzantine governor there offered peace negotiations. The talks dragged out, and the Venetian navy had to winter near a Greek island.

    The crowded and unsanitary conditions in the navy’s winter quarters caused an epidemic, and in early spring the fleet had to return to Venice, having achieved nothing.

    This debacle led to widespread dissent in Venice, and doge Vitale Michel II was murdered. He was the last doge to die as a result of a conspiracy.

    The political upheaval led to more institutional reforms.

    For the creation of a new doge, a Greater Council of several hundred members was chosen, shunting the older popular assembly of the Concio to the side.

    While the Concio had maintained the appearance that the election of the doge was by popular acclamation, with the explicit consent of the ruled, now the elite usurped that power. Only the upper class would now have any say in the creation of doges.

    Venice had become a more aristocratic republic.

    The massacre of the Latins

    Relations to Constantinople didn’t recover while Manuel Komnenos lived.

    The Venetian position in Constantinople deteriorated, and the influence of merchants from Pisa and Genoa grew.

    Manuel died in 1180, but his son Alexios II was a young child. A regency of his mother and an older cousin of Alexios, who was supposedly the lover of the dowager empress, took control of Constantinople.

    The regency emptied the imperial treasury, trying to curry favour with the important groups in Constantinople. The main beneficiaries were the great land-owners, mostly Byzantine, and the wealthy merchants, which were predominantly from Pisa and Genoa, even if were still many Venetians in Constantinople.

    The regency government was weak and unstable, and wars, conspiracies and suppression abounded.

    In 1182, a cousin of Manuel, Andronikos Komnenos, took control of the city. At his arrival, the celebrations quickly deteriorated into a pogrom against all Latins, who were rounded up and killed. The rage was such, that the Papal delegate to Constantinople was decapitated, and his severed head dragged around through the streets.

    There were an estimated sixty thousand Latins in Constantinople, mostly from Genoa, Pisa and Venice. Those, who weren’t killed or managed to flee the city in time, were sold into slavery to the Seljuk Turks.

    Andronikos was deposed in 1185, and a new imperial dynasty took over.

    Trade resumed because money matters, and the new rulers in Constantinople granted the Venetian renewed trading privileges in 1198, but the already strained relationship between east and west never recovered.

    The Fourth Crusade

    In 1202, a large Venetian fleet of over three hundred ships set out from Venice. Aboard were some fifteen hundred mostly French knights, about five thousand horses and almost thirty thousand soldiers. Their destination was the Holy Land, but they never got there.

    What they did do, shook the world. Neither the Byzantine Empire nor Venice would ever be the same again.